01. Discuss the ‘corrupt practices’ for the purpose of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. Analyze whether the increase in the assets of the legislators and/or their associates, disproportionate to their known sources of income, would constitute ‘undue influence’ and consequently a corrupt practice. (Answer in 150 words) – 10 marks
The Representation of the People Act (RPA), 1951, under Section 123, defines ‘corrupt practices’ to include bribery, undue influence, promoting enmity on grounds of religion or caste, and providing false information in nomination affidavits. This section also prohibits appealing for votes on communal or caste grounds. The Supreme Court recently reinforced anti-corruption standards by ending legislators' immunity for accepting bribes for votes or speeches in the House.
A post-election increase in a legislator's assets disproportionate to their known income is not explicitly listed as a corrupt practice. However, it is an indicator of corruption, prosecuted under the Prevention of Corruption Act. This ill-gotten wealth creates "money power", which can be used to exert ‘undue influence’ in subsequent elections—a corrupt practice under Section 123(2). Such influence interferes with the free exercise of electoral rights. Thus, while accumulating disproportionate assets is tried under other laws, its use for electoral gain constitutes a corrupt practice under the RPA.
02. Comment on the need of administrative tribunals as compared to the court system. Assess the impact of the recent tribunal reforms through rationalization of tribunals made in 2021. (Answer in 150 words) – 10
Administrative tribunals, established under Articles 323A and 323B, are quasi-judicial bodies created to provide speedy, inexpensive, and specialized justice in areas like service matters and environmental issues, thereby reducing the burden on higher courts. They are guided by principles of natural justice rather than the rigid Code of Civil Procedure, which allows for faster and more flexible adjudication. This specialized focus brings domain expertise, which is often essential for technical matters.
The Tribunals Reforms Act, 2021, aimed at rationalization by abolishing several appellate tribunals (like the Intellectual Property Appellate Board) and transferring their functions to High Courts, citing delays and poor adjudication. However, this reform is criticized for increasing the caseload of High Courts, contradicting the primary purpose of tribunals. Furthermore, the Act reintroduced provisions on the tenure and selection of members that the Supreme Court had previously struck down as undermining judicial independence. Thus, the reforms have been contentious, potentially weakening the tribunal system's benefits without addressing the perennial issue of vacancies that hampers their effectiveness.
03. Compare and contrast the President’s power to pardon in India and in the USA. Are there any limits to it in both the countries? What are ‘preemptive pardons’? (Answer in 150 words) – 10
In India, the President’s pardoning power under Article 72 is exercised on the advice of the Council of Ministers, while the US President’s power is a personal, discretionary authority for federal crimes. The scope of the Indian President's power is wider than a Governor's, covering death sentences and court-martial verdicts. In contrast, the US President's power is nearly absolute but limited to federal offenses and does not extend to impeachment cases.
Limits in India include ministerial advice and judicial review on grounds of arbitrariness or mala fides. In the USA, the power is limited only by cases of impeachment and state crimes.
A ‘preemptive pardon’, a feature of the US system, is granted to an individual before they are indicted, charged, or convicted of a crime. This stems from the President's broad constitutional authority over federal offenses.
04. Discuss the nature of Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly after the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act, 2019. Briefly describe the powers and functions of the Assembly of the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. (Answer in 150 words) – 10
Following the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Act, 2019, the erstwhile state was bifurcated into the Union Territories of J&K and Ladakh. The UT of Jammu and Kashmir has a Legislative Assembly, similar to Delhi and Puducherry, with a five-year term. Through a delimitation exercise, the total number of elected seats was increased from 107 to 114, with 90 seats being contested (24 reserved for PoK). The Lieutenant-Governor (L-G) is empowered to nominate up to five members: two from the Kashmiri migrant community (one of whom must be a woman) and one displaced person from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.
The Assembly can legislate on matters in the State and Concurrent Lists, but its powers are curtailed as 'Public Order' and 'Police' are excluded from its purview. These subjects, along with control over the All India Services, are vested with the L-G, who acts as the Centre’s representative. The Union government has promised to restore statehood after Assembly elections are conducted.
05. “The Attorney General of India plays a crucial role in guiding the legal framework of the Union Government and ensuring sound governance through legal counsel.” Discuss his responsibilities, rights and limitations in this regard. (Answer in 150 words) – 10
The Attorney General (AG), as India's highest law officer under Article 76 of the Constitution, is a crucial part of the Union Executive.
Responsibilities: The AG’s primary responsibilities include advising the Union Government on legal matters referred by the President and representing it in the Supreme Court and High Courts. Critically, the AG's duty is not merely to win cases for the government but to ensure that justice is done to the people, functioning as an officer of the court whose voice should reflect the Constitution.
Rights: Key rights include the privilege to participate in parliamentary proceedings without the right to vote (Article 88) and the right of audience in all courts across India. The AG also enjoys all immunities available to a Member of Parliament.
Limitations: The AG holds office during the President’s pleasure, which implies political dependency. While not debarred from private practice, the AG cannot advise or hold a brief against the Government of India, ensuring no conflict of interest.
06. Women’s social capital complements in advancing empowerment and gender equity. Explain. (Answer in 150 words) – 10
Women’s social capital, built through networks like Self-Help Groups (SHGs) and community cooperatives, is a powerful catalyst for empowerment and gender equity. These collectives create an ecosystem that fosters financial independence by improving access to credit, training, and markets, thus enabling entrepreneurship. For instance, SHGs have proven to be powerful channels for rural women to start businesses and build assets.
Socially, these networks enhance women’s decision-making power within households, boost their confidence, and create solidarity to challenge restrictive patriarchal norms and gender-based violence. Politically, this collective strength often translates into greater participation in local governance, like panchayats. Here, women leaders tend to prioritize community needs such as drinking water and sanitation, thereby promoting inclusive development. By strengthening women's collective voice and agency, social capital dismantles structural barriers, advancing a more equitable and just society.
07. E-governance projects have a built-in bias towards technology and back-end integration than user-centric designs. Examine. (Answer in 150 words) – 10
E-governance projects in India, under initiatives like Digital India, aim for SMART (Simple, Moral, Accountable, Responsive, Transparent) governance but often exhibit a bias towards technology and back-end integration over user-centric design.
The primary focus is on creating centralized databases and automated systems for administrative efficiency. For example, the Aadhaar-Based Payment System (ABPS) for MGNREGS, the Government e-Marketplace (GeM), and integrated platforms like PRAGATI prioritize data collection, process automation, and inter-departmental integration to ensure transparency and reduce human interface from a top-down perspective.
However, this technological focus often neglects the end-user. The digital divide and low digital literacy create significant barriers to access, especially in rural areas. Many platforms lack multilingual support, defaulting to English or Hindi, thereby excluding a large population. Critically, technology is sometimes used as a tool for exclusion; for instance, mandatory digital attendance (NMMS) and ABPS in MGNREGS have led to wage payment issues and deletion of worker profiles due to data mismatches, making the system exclusionary rather than empowering. Thus, a shift towards a more participatory, human-centric approach is essential for the true success of e-governance.
08. Civil Society Organizations are often perceived as being anti-State actors than non-State actors. Do you agree? Justify. (Answer in 150 words) – 10
Yes, there is a growing perception of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) as 'anti-State' rather than neutral 'non-State' actors. This view, however, oversimplifies their democratic role.
The perception of CSOs as anti-State actors often arises from their function as watchdogs of government policies. When CSOs highlight governance gaps, campaign against environmental violations, or advocate for human rights, they are often labelled as "anti-national" and disruptive to the development trajectory. The state's use of regulatory mechanisms like the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) to cancel licenses of critical organisations reinforces this narrative, framing them as instruments of foreign powers attempting to "destroy the country". Mobilising dissent and protests on contentious issues further fuels the view that they are working against the elected government.
However, fundamentally, CSOs are non-State actors crucial for a healthy democracy. They complement the state's efforts by working on social welfare, education, and health, and creating awareness. They act as a "social safety-valve" by giving voice to the marginalised and providing a platform for dissent, which strengthens democracy rather than weakens the state. Their adversarial stance is typically directed at specific government policies, not the state itself.
Thus, the perception is a result of a shrinking civic space where holding the state accountable is often misconstrued as being against the state.
09. India-Africa digital partnership is achieving mutual respect, co-development and long-term institutional partnerships. Elaborate. (Answer in 150 words) – 10
The India-Africa digital partnership is indeed moving towards a model rooted in mutual respect, co-development, and long-term institutional partnerships, marking a shift from traditional donor-recipient dynamics to a collaborative South-South cooperation framework.
Mutual Respect and Co-development: India's approach is grounded in sharing its open-source, affordable, and scalable Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) as a digital public good, rather than a commercial product. This allows African nations to adopt and adapt technologies like the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) and Aadhaar-based systems (MOSIP) to their specific needs. This demand-driven model, embraced by countries like Namibia, Ghana, and Togo, fosters self-reliance and co-creation, contrasting sharply with prescriptive, neo-colonial approaches. This partnership focuses on building local capacities and creating an equal partnership, a principle appreciated in Africa.
Long-term Institutional Partnerships: The collaboration extends beyond technology transfer to creating enduring institutional links. The Pan-African e-Network project (e-VBAB) connects Indian and African universities and hospitals for tele-education and tele-medicine, institutionalising knowledge sharing. Initiatives like the India-Namibia Centre of Excellence in IT and India’s successful advocacy for the African Union’s permanent G-20 membership further solidify this long-term vision, embedding Africa into global governance structures and creating a scalable framework for a shared digital future.
10. “With the waning of globalization, post-Cold War world is becoming a site of sovereign nationalism.” Elucidate. (Answer in 150 words) – 10
The post-Cold War era, once defined by hyper-globalization and a unipolar order, is transitioning into a landscape dominated by sovereign nationalism. This shift is driven by the waning of globalization due to several factors.
Geopolitical crises like the Russia-Ukraine war and rising US-China rivalry have fragmented the global economy, prompting nations to retreat from interdependence and prioritize resilient supply chains. Former champions of globalization are now embracing economic nationalism and protectionist policies, reversing the neoliberal consensus. Furthermore, the unequal distribution of globalisation's benefits has fueled populist and nativist backlashes worldwide.
This resurgence of sovereign nationalism manifests as an aggressive pursuit of 'national interests', strategic autonomy, and cultural chauvinism. Nations are increasingly resorting to unilateralism, forming regional blocs, and weaponizing trade, thereby moving towards a more polarized, multipolar world where the nation-state is reasserting its primacy.
11. “Constitutional morality is the fulcrum which acts as an essential check upon the high functionaries and citizens alike…”
In view of the above observation of the Supreme Court, explain the concept of constitutional morality and its application to ensure balance between judicial independence and judicial accountability in India. (Answer in 250 words) – 15
Constitutional morality refers to the adherence to the core principles and values enshrined in the Constitution, which should guide the actions of the state, its functionaries, and citizens. It is a paramount reverence for the constitutional framework, demanding self-restraint from those in power and commitment to ideals like justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity over popular or majoritarian morality. As the Supreme Court observed, it involves upholding the "moral values of the Constitution" based on a "constitutional culture" and places duties on individuals in constitutional offices.
Application in Balancing Judicial Independence and Accountability:
Constitutional morality acts as the fulcrum to balance the twin pillars of judicial independence and accountability, which are crucial for a healthy democracy.
1. Upholding Judicial Independence: Judicial independence, a basic feature of the Constitution, requires that judges function without fear or favour, insulated from executive or legislative pressure. Constitutional morality mandates this separation of powers to enable the judiciary to act as the ultimate guardian of the Constitution and fundamental rights. The Supreme Court's decision to strike down the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC) Act was an application of constitutional morality. The Court reasoned that primacy of the executive in judicial appointments would threaten the judiciary's independence, which is a non-negotiable constitutional value.
2. Ensuring Judicial Accountability: While independence is vital, constitutional morality also demands accountability to prevent it from becoming judicial supremacy. Judges, as constitutional functionaries, are bound by their oath to uphold the Constitution and its values. Their conduct must reaffirm the people's faith in the judiciary's impartiality. Mechanisms such as the in-house procedure for inquiry against judges, the ‘Restatement of Values of Judicial Life’ (1997), and the Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct (2002) are tools of accountability rooted in constitutional morality. They ensure that judges are held accountable for misconduct through a process that respects judicial independence without allowing for impunity.
Thus, constitutional morality ensures that independence is not absolute and accountability does not become a tool for executive control, thereby maintaining the institutional integrity and balance of the judiciary.
12. Indian Constitution has conferred the amending power on the ordinary legislative institutions with a few procedural hurdles. In view of this statement, examine the procedural and substantive limitations on the amending power of the Parliament to change the Constitution. (Answer in 250 words) – 15
The Indian Constitution, a living document, confers amending power on Parliament under Article 368, creating a unique blend of flexibility and rigidity. This power is not absolute but is circumscribed by specific procedural requirements and significant substantive limitations developed through judicial interpretation.
Procedural Limitations: Article 368 outlines three distinct amendment procedures:
By Simple Majority: Certain provisions, outside the formal scope of Article 368, can be amended by a simple majority of Parliament, similar to ordinary legislation. This applies to matters like the creation of new states.
By Special Majority: Most constitutional provisions require a special majority—a majority of the total membership of each House and a two-thirds majority of members present and voting. This is applicable to Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles.
By Special Majority with State Ratification: Amendments affecting the federal structure, such as the distribution of legislative powers or representation of states in Parliament, require a special majority plus ratification by at least half of the state legislatures.
Substantive Limitations: The foremost substantive limitation is the ‘Basic Structure’ doctrine, established by the Supreme Court in the Kesavananda Bharati case (1973).
The doctrine posits that Parliament’s amending power is not plenary; it cannot be used to alter or destroy the Constitution’s ‘basic structure’ or essential features.
As a ‘creature of the Constitution’, Parliament cannot become its master. Any amendment that damages this fundamental framework is subject to judicial review and can be struck down.
While not exhaustively defined, the basic structure includes principles like supremacy of the Constitution, secularism, federalism, separation of powers, and judicial review.
This framework ensures that constitutional amendments reflect a broad consensus and preserve the core ideals of democracy and justice, upholding the Constitution's supremacy.
13. Discuss the evolution of collegium system in India. Critically examine the advantages and disadvantages of the system of appointment of the Judges of the Supreme Court of India and that of the USA. (Answer in 250 words) – 15
The collegium system in India, a unique mechanism for appointing judges to higher courts, evolved through a series of Supreme Court judgments, marking a significant shift from executive to judicial primacy.
Evolution of the Collegium System: Initially, under Article 124, the executive had the final say, a position affirmed in the First Judges Case (1981). However, the Second (1993) and Third (1998) Judges Cases reinterpreted "consultation" as "concurrence," establishing the collegium—a body of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) and senior-most judges—with primacy in appointments to ensure judicial independence. A parliamentary attempt to replace it with the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC), which gave the executive a say, was struck down by the Supreme Court in 2015, deeming it a threat to the judiciary's independence, a basic feature of the Constitution.
Comparative Analysis of Appointment Systems:
India (Collegium System):
Advantage: Its primary strength is safeguarding judicial independence from executive interference, a principle considered part of the Constitution's basic structure. The system was created as a response to executive attempts to control the judiciary.
Disadvantages: The system is widely criticized for its opaqueness, lack of transparency, and accountability. Allegations of nepotism and favouritism are rampant, with some calling it a "synonym for nepotism and favouritism". Moreover, executive inaction in clearing collegium recommendations often causes significant delays.
USA (Presidential Appointment):
Advantages: The President appoints judges with Senate confirmation, ensuring democratic accountability through elected branches and a system of checks and balances. Federal judges enjoy life tenure based on "good behaviour".
Disadvantages: The process is highly susceptible to politicization, with appointments often reflecting partisan ideologies rather than pure merit, which can lead to legislative gridlock.
In essence, India's system prioritizes judicial independence over transparency, whereas the U.S. model prioritizes accountability at the risk of politicization, highlighting a fundamental debate in constitutional governance.
14. Examine the evolving pattern of Centre-State financial relations in the context of planned development in India. How far have the recent reforms impacted the fiscal federalism in India? (Answer in 250 words) – 15
The pattern of Centre-State financial relations in India has evolved significantly from the era of planned development to the recent phase of fiscal reforms, marking a shift from a centralised to a more contentious federal structure.
Evolution during Planned Development: The era of planned development was dominated by the Planning Commission, an extra-constitutional body that became a major channel for financial transfers to states through Plan grants and Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS). This model fostered centralisation, making states heavily dependent on the Centre for developmental funds. It created a significant Vertical Fiscal Imbalance (VFI), where states' expenditure responsibilities, particularly in social sectors, far exceeded their revenue-raising powers, which were concentrated with the Union.
Impact of Recent Reforms: Recent reforms have reshaped fiscal federalism, creating a paradoxical scenario:
Increased Devolution but Reduced Pool: The abolition of the Planning Commission and the acceptance of the 14th and 15th Finance Commissions’ recommendation to increase the states' share of the divisible pool to 41% were moves toward greater fiscal autonomy. However, the Centre's increasing reliance on non-shareable cesses and surcharges has shrunk the size of this divisible pool, effectively denying states their legitimate share of the gross tax revenue. For instance, their share rose to 26.7% of gross tax revenue in 2021-22, up from 10.4% in 2011-12.
GST and Reduced State Autonomy: The implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST), while creating a 'One Nation, One Market', has significantly curtailed the fiscal autonomy of states by subsuming many of their key indirect taxes. This has heightened their dependency on central transfers and GST compensation.
Rise of Coercive Federalism: Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) continue to dictate state expenditure priorities, often in subjects on the State list, by requiring matching funds from states. Furthermore, the Centre has resorted to withholding funds for non-compliance with its directives, transforming cooperative federalism into what many states perceive as coercive federalism.
In essence, while reforms formally devolved more funds, the Centre's overarching control through fiscal instruments has intensified, making Centre-State financial relations more complex and confrontational.
15. What are environmental pressure groups? Discuss their role in raising awareness, influencing policies and advocating for environmental protection in India. (Answer in 250 words) – 15
Environmental pressure groups are non-governmental, often non-profit organisations or civil society movements that aim to influence public opinion and government policy towards environmental protection without seeking political power themselves. In India, they have evolved into critical agents of change through a multi-pronged approach.
Their role can be discussed under three key functions:
Raising Awareness: These groups act as watchdogs, bringing environmental issues to the forefront of public discourse. They utilise protests, as seen at global forums like COP27, and leverage media and social media campaigns to highlight problems like deforestation, pollution, and threats to biodiversity. For instance, civil society-led movements such as #DelhiTreeSoS collect and disseminate data to build a case against tree felling, while others create manifestos like the 'Haryana Green Manifesto' to draw attention to regional ecological crises.
Influencing Policies: Pressure groups actively engage in policy advocacy by scrutinising government projects and regulations. Through research and lobbying, they challenge destructive development narratives and highlight gaps in environmental laws. Organisations like the Centre for Policy Research have published reports on the inadequacies of urban tree laws and the lack of health experts on Pollution Control Boards, thereby pushing for policy reform. Their actions can lead to the stalling of ecologically harmful projects and influence the framing of environmental regulations.
Advocating for Environmental Protection: A primary tool for these groups is judicial activism. They frequently file Public Interest Litigations (PILs), leading to landmark judgments from the Supreme Court and the National Green Tribunal (NGT) that have expanded the scope of environmental jurisprudence in India. Furthermore, they excel at grassroots mobilisation, organising community-led protests against projects that threaten local ecosystems and livelihoods, such as the movements against the Adani port expansion and the incinerator at Gangotri National Park.
Despite facing challenges, these groups are indispensable for balancing development with environmental sustainability and strengthening grassroots democracy.
16. Inequality in the ownership pattern of resources is one of the major causes of poverty. Discuss in the context of ‘paradox of poverty’. (Answer in 250 words) – 15
The ‘paradox of poverty,’ where resource-rich regions exhibit high levels of poverty, is a stark reality in India. This paradox is fundamentally driven by deep-rooted inequality in the ownership pattern of resources, which perpetuates poverty by concentrating wealth and opportunity in the hands of a few.
Unequal ownership of resources is a major cause of poverty. In India, this inequality is at a historic high, even more than during the British colonial era. Data reveals extreme concentration of wealth, with the richest 10% owning 80.7% of the nation’s total wealth. This disparity is not a product of an individual's lifetime but is an intergenerational inheritance, profoundly mediated by social structures like caste. Caste has historically determined access to resources such as land, education, and capital, leading to the collective disadvantage of certain groups.
This systemic inequality explains the poverty paradox. The poorest regions in India are often its most resource-rich, such as the forested areas of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. While these regions generate wealth, the benefits are skewed towards high-income urban groups, bypassing local communities who depend on these resources for subsistence. This exclusion is rooted in centuries of discrimination, which is why the bulk of the poor belong to Dalit, Adivasi, and Bahujan communities.
This creates a large population trapped in a ‘precarious zone’—moving just above dire poverty but lacking the assets to withstand economic shocks like illness or unemployment. Thus, poverty is not merely a lack of income but a multidimensional deprivation of resources, capabilities, and choices. To break this cycle, policy must shift from mere income support to addressing the structural issue of unequal wealth distribution.
17. “In contemporary development models, decision-making and problem-solving responsibilities are not located close to the source of information and execution defeating the objectives of development.” Critically evaluate. (Answer in 250 words) – 15
The statement that contemporary development models often locate decision-making far from the sources of information and execution, thereby defeating developmental objectives, is a largely accurate critique of the prevailing top-down approach. This centralised paradigm frequently leads to inefficient outcomes, ecological damage, and the marginalisation of local communities, undermining the goals of sustainable and inclusive growth.
Centralised Decision-Making and Its Failures: Evidence of this disconnect is widespread in India. In Ladakh, despite the existence of an Autonomous Hill Development Council (AHDC) aimed at enabling locally determined development, a study found that decision-making was predominantly controlled by distant centres like Srinagar and Delhi. The administration often commissions consultancy agencies from outside Ladakh for planning, ignoring local expertise and aspirations. Similarly, urban planning in India is criticised for its reliance on archaic "master plans" often dictated by big consultants who favour capital-intensive solutions without addressing local needs like social housing.
This top-down model creates a "technocratic gap" where top policymakers, lacking specific skills, outsource crucial tasks, bypassing local knowledge. Restrictions on frontline personnel from deciding on implementation-related issues foster a culture of mistrust and erode accountability.
Consequences of the Disconnect: This separation of power from ground reality directly defeats developmental objectives. The sinking of Joshimath is a stark example where a 1976 report highlighting the area's fragility (source of information) was ignored by decision-makers who approved large-scale construction, leading to a predictable disaster. The failure of centralised waste management solutions, like in Brahmapuram, further contrasts with the success of decentralised, local-led initiatives.
The Path Forward: Decentralisation and Empowerment: The solution lies in shifting towards a decentralised, bottom-up model that values "situated knowledge" from gram sabhas and frontline functionaries. This requires empowering local institutions like Panchayats with functions, funds, and functionaries, a process that remains incomplete due to states' reluctance to devolve power.
However, decentralisation alone is not a panacea; it must be coupled with capacity building, as local governments may lack the professional expertise to manage funds and projects effectively. True development hinges on delegating financial and administrative powers to frontline functionaries and professionalising local governance, ensuring that problem-solving is located precisely where the problems—and the solutions—originate.
18. The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights has to address the challenges faced by children in the digital era. Examine the existing policies and suggest measures the Commission can initiate to tackle the issue. (Answer in 250 words) – 15
The digital era poses multifaceted challenges to child safety, including cyberbullying, online abuse, digital addiction, and exposure to Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM). The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR), as the apex child rights body, has a pivotal role in navigating these issues.
Existing Policies and Gaps: India has several legal frameworks like the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, 2012, and the Information Technology (IT) Act, 2000. The new Digital Personal Data Protection (DPDP) Act, 2023, mandates verifiable parental consent for processing the data of children below 18.
However, these policies have gaps. The DPDP Act’s reliance on parental consent is challenging in a country with low digital literacy, shifting the onus away from platforms. Existing laws are often reactive and struggle to keep pace with emerging threats like AI-generated deepfakes and the increasing circulation of online child abuse content. Furthermore, the principle of the "best interests of the child," a standard India has upheld in other laws, is not adequately applied to data protection.
Measures for NCPCR: The Commission can initiate the following measures:
Policy Advocacy: NCPCR should advocate for amending the IT and POCSO Acts to address new-age threats like AI-generated CSAM. It must push for a shift from a parental consent model to a risk-based approach, mandating platforms to undertake risk assessments for minors and incorporate ‘safety-by-design’ features, following international models like the U.K.'s Age-Appropriate Design Code.
Regulatory Guidelines: The Commission can issue binding guidelines for online platforms, educational institutions, and parents on digital safety, content moderation, and ethical online behaviour.
Strengthening Redressal Mechanisms: It should enhance its ‘E-Baal Nidan’ online complaint portal and POCSO e-Box to specifically handle cases of online abuse and exploitation efficiently.
Awareness and Monitoring: Launch nationwide cybersecurity awareness programs for children and parents and use its statutory powers to monitor platforms for compliance.
Conclusion: A proactive, multi-stakeholder approach led by the NCPCR, focusing on platform accountability, robust legal frameworks, and digital literacy, is crucial to making the digital world safer for India’s children.
19. “Energy security constitutes the dominant kingpin of India’s foreign policy, and is linked with India’s overarching influence in Middle Eastern countries.” How would you integrate energy security with India’s foreign policy trajectories in the coming years? (Answer in 250 words) – 15
Energy security is the cornerstone of India's foreign policy, driven by its status as a major energy consumer with high import dependency. While the Middle East remains a principal hydrocarbon supplier, its geopolitical volatility necessitates a forward-looking, integrated energy strategy. In the coming years, India's foreign policy will integrate energy security through a multi-pronged approach.
First is the diversification of sources and types of energy. This involves reducing over-reliance on the Gulf by strengthening energy ties with Russia, which has become a top oil supplier post the Ukraine conflict, and the U.S., for oil, LNG, and civil nuclear technology. India will also deepen engagement with Latin America and Africa for hydrocarbon resources. This pursuit of diverse partnerships is fundamental to maintaining strategic autonomy in a multipolar world.
Second is spearheading a global green energy transition. India’s foreign policy will be increasingly channelled through platforms like the International Solar Alliance (ISA) to project soft power and build sustainable partnerships. Diplomacy will be geared towards making India a global hub for green hydrogen through collaborations with countries like Germany and France. Securing supply chains for critical minerals like lithium and cobalt, essential for electric vehicles and batteries, will be a key objective pursued through frameworks like the Quad, thereby reducing dependency on China.
Third is building energy-centric connectivity. Foreign policy will actively promote projects like the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), which includes provisions for energy pipelines, and regional energy grids in South Asia.
This integrated strategy transforms India from a passive energy buyer into a proactive leader, using its energy needs to build strategic partnerships, champion sustainable development for the Global South, and cement its role as a key player in the evolving global order.
20. “The reform process in the United Nations remains unresolved, because of the delicate imbalance of East and West and entanglement of the USA vs. Russo-Chinese alliance.” Examine and critically evaluate the East-West policy confrontations in this regard. (Answer in 250 words) – 15
The United Nations reform process, particularly concerning the Security Council (UNSC), remains unresolved due to deep-seated East-West policy confrontations, exacerbated by the entanglement of the USA versus the Russo-Chinese alliance. This geopolitical polarization has rendered the UN's key bodies largely dysfunctional.
The UNSC has become the primary arena for this standoff, rendering it "paralysed". The veto power is consistently wielded by Permanent Five (P-5) members to block resolutions against their strategic interests or those of their allies. The Ukraine conflict exemplifies this, with Russia vetoing critical resolutions, while Western members lead counter-efforts, resulting in a stalemate. Similarly, China repeatedly blocks UN terror designations proposed by India and the U.S., showcasing the politicization of counter-terror mechanisms.
This confrontation extends beyond the UN, crippling other multilateral forums. G-20 meetings under India's presidency have repeatedly failed to issue joint communiques due to objections from the Russia-China combine over language related to the Ukraine war. This reflects a hardening "Cold War mentality" that stifles global consensus on critical economic and security issues.
The reform process itself is deadlocked as any change requires consensus among the P-5, who are "historically not enthusiastic" about diluting their post-1945 powers. The problem is compounded by a divided UN General Assembly, where five competing negotiating groups neutralize each other, preventing the formation of the required two-thirds majority for any reform proposal.
Ultimately, the East-West confrontation has created a crisis of credibility for the UN. The stalemate is not merely about policy differences but a structural challenge to the post-WWII global order, pitting the established West against the revisionist Russo-Chinese bloc. This risks making the UN irrelevant, potentially ceding ground to more representative forums like the G-20.